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Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh: Basic Ideological Concepts -B. Surendran All India Deputy Organizing Secretary, BMS.



BMS, by virtue of its hard work and sincerity to the cause of workers has occupied the most enviable position of the largest central trade union organization in India. BMS as on today, commands more than one and  crore membership covering all industries viz. Public Sector Undertakings, Private Sector, Government Departments, Municipalities, Factories, Teaching community, Farm labour, Insurance, Bank, Service Sector besides huge Un Organised Sector workers . With its organizational spread in all the States, including smaller ones like Tripura, Mizoram etc., the onward march of BMS continues with more and more workers joining the BMS family. The organisation has truly developed into a gigantic structure at all India level.

The unprecedented growth and progress of BMS is not accidental. It is the product of ceaseless work put in by thousands of activists over the last 55 years with the firm commitment to BMS ideology and intense urge to ameliorate the sufferings of workers and downtrodden in the country.

B .M. S is a unique experiment in Indian Trade Union Movement. BMS was established, on 23.07.1955 (Tilak Jayanthi). Bharatiya culture forms the ideological basis of BMS Approach to culture is subjective. BMS is one of the instruments of culture fighting against the mutually hostile but equally anti-human Capitalism and Marxism, with the ultimate goal of establishing Bharatiya Social order based upon the tenants of Integral Humanism.

Labour has always been regarded as the very foundation of the Bharatiya social structure. It is an integral and vital part of society. The character of its problems is not sectional but national. To protect and promote its interest is the therefore the natural responsibility of the entire nation. BMS is pledged to fulfil this fundamental national duty towards labour.

With a view of achieving national prosperity and eradicating poverty, BMS is pledged to ‘maximum production and equitable distribution’. The spirit is reflected in the ancient Bharatiya – ‘Shata Hasta Samahara Sahasra Hasta Sankira’ (with a hundred hands produce; with a thousand hands distribute).

Capitalism over-emphasise the importance of production. Socialism over-emphasizes the aspect distribution. But, BMS lays equal stress on both production & distribution. Maximum production is the national duty of labour, but at the same time equitable distribution of the fruits of production is the legitimate right of workers. BMS has therefore introduced in the labour field a new slogan based on patriotism-

“Desh ke hith me karenge kam, Kam ke lenge pooray dam”

(We will work in the interest of the nation and will demand full wages)

Marxists and Socialists conduct their trade unions as an instrument for intensifying class conflict with the ultimate goal of establishment of Socialism. BMS is a votary of integralism and nationalism and therefore rejects the class conflict theory which would result in the disintegration of the nation. BMS is determined to do away with the gross disparities and establish the ratio of 1:10 between the minimum and maximum income of the land.

The idea of two camps – haves and have – notes is a brilliant myth. The whole nation is one unit. All the nationals are only so many limbs of the same body. Therefore their interests cannot be mutually conflicting. They are naturally complimentary. The vehement advocacy of “socialism as a goal and class struggle as theory’ is a major obstacle in the way of Trade Union unity”.

Before the formation of BMS, the Indian labour field was dominated by political unionism. The recognized Central Labour Organisations were the wings of different political parties or groups and they were treated as instruments for capturing political power. The trend was the product of westernized thinking that, the State was the sole representative of society. Moreover, politicalisation was and is the main cause of multiplicity of unions and preference to political rather than workers interest in the actual conduct of trade union affairs. This situation calls for denunciation of political trade unionism. Truly speaking the STATE is not the sole representative of the society but is merely one of the several institutions created by society for fulfilling the national needs of course, every worker is conscious of his rights and duties as a citizen and is free individually to join or not to join, work and not to work for a political party of his choice. But as union members collectively the workers must keep out of politics. The trade unions should not become a platform to provide fund, forum and cadre to the political parties. Therefore with a view to building up strong independent labour organization to attenuate the all powerful authoritarian state, to bring about trade union unity and to ensure the highest measure of democracy, BMS follows the principle of non-political trade-unionism and keeps itself free from the hegemony of the political parties.


The history of Indian trade union movement shows that every new trade union, which entered the labour field, came into being due to a split in the existing trade union or was launched as a front organisation of a political party. In the post-independence era, AITUC & INTUC, the giants with huge membership and firm political patronage, were dominating trade union movement.

AITIUC was formed on 31.10.1920 under the presidentship of the great Sri Lala Lajpath Rai. On the very first day it enjoyed the support of 64 existing trade unions with 1,46,584 members. INTUC was established on 03-05-1947 under the presidentship of the Iron man of India – Sardar  Vallabhai Patel with the blessings of revered- Mahathma Gandhiji. On the very first day, it enjoyed the support of 35 unions with a membership of 1,57,000 workers. This went up within one year of Independence to 499 unions with 10,33,614 members with the backing of the ruling congress party. HMS was formed in December 1948 under the General Secretaryship of Sri Ashok Mehta, a great public figure with 119 trade unions and 1,03,798 membership. UTUC was formed in April 1949 with 137 trade unions and 1,31,991 members.

None of them were required to begin from the beginning. but BMS had to start from the scratch. On its Foundation day (23rd July 1955) BMS had no membership, no all India body, no political backing not a single registered trade union affiliated to it, nor a single paisa in its treasury, nor any publicly acknowledged leader. It had to begin from Zero. BMS’s structure was evolved from the bottom up and not imposed from above. Poojaniya Sri Dattopanth Thengadiji, devoted his entire energy and time to build up the organization assiduously and patiently. He developed a master team of dedicated, disciplined and idealistic cadre. The BMS leaders at the helm of affairs, with the help of dedicated workers, steered clear the road for the growth of BMS. The matured and foresighted leadership guided the activists throughout India and instilled confidence in them to work ceaselessly for the cause of workers. The organisation braved the situations of neglect, humiliation, isolation and confrontation during its growing years.

It was only after 12 years of relentless work, BMS held its first All India conference in New Delhi in 1967. BMS was legally constituted in Delhi on 13.08.1967. This type of development formation of constitutional body after 12 years of its continued gross is an unique example iii the history of the labour movement of the world.

From the year 1967-77, BMS hastened slowly. The membership was 8.59,200 in the year 1977 BMS made marvellous progress and its membership jumped to 12,11,345 in the year 1980.  Thus BMS was accorded. Number 2 position amongst Central Trade Unions. After 1989 Labour Census, with a verified membership of 31,17,324, BMS has declared the largest Central Trade Union in India by the then Indian Government . Again in the 2002 labour census, BMS has been adjudged the No.1 Central Trade Union with a verified membership of 62,15,797. At present our membership has crossed more than one crore. This means an average annual Increase of over 2.50 lakh membership. An incredible growth indeed.


BMS activist is an instrument by which ideals of BMS are translated into practice in trade union movement. BMS has become a powerhouse of workers for the nation. In the last 61 years, BMS introduced a number of new concepts, new slogans, and new practices and led a number of struggles, all of which cannot find place in this small submission due to paucity of space. However, a few of them are illustrated to give glimpse of BMS functioning in the trade union movement. The list is not exhaustive.


With the emergence on the national plane, BMS has introduced new national symbols  on the labour  field. BMS ki Kya Pahachan? “Tyag, Tapasya aur Balidan”. This is the message of BMS to its activists. BMS preached that its activists should suffer more so that workers will prosper. That is the reason why BMS chose saffron flag as its symbol of super sacrifice. It is a matter of pride that the large number of dedicated activists who sacrificed their lives while working in the organisation are the source of inspiration to the present band of activists and future generations of workers. The BMS symbol of Industrial wheel and human fist with ‘bali’ is characteristically Bharatiya. Real stress is on the opposable human thumb the special characteristic of human beings. Integral humanism constitute the ideological basis BMS.

                                                    IDEOLOGICAL CONCEPT            

  1. BMS insists on NON-POLITICAL GENUINE TRADE JNION movement. BMS do not believe in political trade unionism. Because very often the political trade union leaders tend to compromise the workers interest for their political ends. BMS insists that every action of the trade union should be guided by the workers merest alone and nothing else.
  2. BMS advocates that the spirit of nationalism is the foundation of trade union movement. The slogans “Bharat Mata-ki Jia’, ‘Shrama-hi Anradhana (Work is worship), “Deshke hit-me Karenge Kam (we shall work in the interest of the Nation) are manifestation of the spirit of nationalism.
  3. BMS believes in creative activities and not in destruction. It insists that ‘Vishwakarma Jayanti”, which falls on 17th September every year, should be celebrated as National Labour Day, because Vishwakarma represents an ideal labour.
  4. BMS propounds the idea that Bonus is a deferred wage and it should be paid to all. This concept has been accepted by the government and the government employees are now getting bonus.
  5. The communists always held that ownership of industry can be only in two forms- one, privatization and the other nationalization. it was BMS which said that other than the above referred two, there are many forms of ownership viz. co-operatisation,  municipalisation,  labourisation, self employment etc.
  6. BMS demands “National Income Policy” instead of National wage policy”. BMS demands that the ratio of Minimum and Maximum income should be fixed to 1:10
  7. BMS wants the nation to keep pace with the world but holds that the western pattern should not be followed blindly. It says that must develop our own technology according to our needs. Foreign technology should be adopted, adapted or rejected as per the needs and interests of the nation. That is why BMS opposes indiscriminate computerization. BMS was the first Central Trade Union organization to demand National Technological policy and the Round table Conference of all Economic Interest Groups to formulate “Economic policy of the country”.
  8. BMS wants ‘workers to unite the world’. BMS do not believe in the conservative approach of “workers of the world unite” expounded by the communists.
  9. BMS stands for Responsive Co-operatione. BMS will co-operate with any democratically elected government if the government pursues the policies in the interest of labour and will oppose the government if it adopts anti labour policies. The same is the case with managements.
  10. BMS considers trade union movement as a medium of Nation Building activity and not mere bread butter providing apparatus to the workers.
  11. BMS do not believe in class struggle. BMS rejects the idea of two distinct camps of haves & have-nots and class struggle theory advocated by communists BMS insists that the whole Nation is one unit and all the inhabitants within it are but the limbs of the body called Nation. The interest of the people cannot he mutually conflicting. It is mutually complimentary.
  12. BMS insists that workers interest, industry, and interest and nation’s interest go together and move in the same direction.
  13. BMS believes in the concept of Nationalise the labour, Labourize the industry and Industrialize the Nation.









1967 2,50,000 MEMBERSHIP
1970  4,50,000 MEMBERSHIP
1975 8,50,000 MEMBERSHIP
1980 18,00,000 MEMBERSHIP
1985 28,00,000 MEMBERSHIP
1989 31,00,000 MEMBERSHIP
1995 46,00,000 MEMBERSHIP
2002 63,00,000 MEMBERSHIP
2011 CLAIMED MEMBERSHIP IS 1,71,46,646







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BMS IDEOLOGY :: बीएमएस की पहचान

DISTINCT FEATURES OF BMS::  बीएमएस के अलग-अलग फीचर्स

In India many unions are functioning simultaneously in one and the same establishment. On this background the BMS has some distinct features of its own:
a) One of its basics is to build a structure of society, which would promote India’s contribution to humanity.
b) It has a firm belief in Indian Culture and its ultimate success, and takes inspiration from India’s ancient culture and spiritual concepts.
c) Naturally, It believes that the whole humanity is one and different nations are only its various facets. It therefore rejects the “Class Struggle” theory of Marx and hence the fight of BMS is not against any class but against injustice and exploitation.
d) It believes in co-existence of nations and tries to promote brotherhood among them.
e) It has a nationalist outlook not attached to any -ism (capitalism, socialism or communism).
f) It is not linked or to any political party and is therefore independent of party politics.
g) It is a genuine trade union working not only for the economic needs of the workers but also for their total upliftment.
h) Unity in diversity is the special feature of Indian culture and accordingly BMS tries to bring together different trade unions and participates in joint campaigns for the solution of workers problems. No compromise on concepts and leaving the stamp on the deliberations of joint campaign committees and joint actions has been the tradition of BMS.
i) It does not believe in violence and destruction/ and adheres to constructive approach in all its struggles.
j) It considers workers interest in the context of National interest and hence propagates workers participation right coupled with duty.
k) It believes in increasing production with proper distribution and hence propagates PRODUCE MAXIMUM but CONSUME WITH RESTRAINT.
l) It strives for removing foreign influence on Indian Society.
m) It considers STRIKE as a last resort after failure of bilateral talks, negotiations and arbitrations.

Philosophical Background of BMS

The BMS has ideologically a distinct approach than the rest of the Central Trade Union Organisations in India. Bharatiya culture forms the ideological basis of the BMS The word culture denotes a trend of impressions on the mind of a society which is peculiar to its own, and which again, is the cumulative effect of its passion, emotion, thought, speech and action throughout its life. Bharatiya culture looks upon life as an integrated whole. It has an integrated viewpoint. It admits that there is diversity and plurality in life, but always attempts to discover the unity in diversity. The diversity in life is merely an expression of the internal unity. The unity in seed finds expression in various forms – the roots, the trunk, the branches, the leaves, the flowers and the fruits of the tree. Unity in diversity and the expression of unity in various forms have remained the central thought of Bharatiya culture or “Integral Humanism.” If this truth is whole-heartedly accepted then there will not exist any cause for conflict among various powers. Conflict is not a sign of culture or nature. “Integral Humanism is the name given to the sum total of various features of Bharatiya culture- abiding, dynamic, synthesizing and sublime”, Pandit Deendayal Upadhyay propounded. This is the idea, which determines the direction of BMS.

Marxists and socialists of every variety conduct their trade unions as instruments of intensifying class conflict with the ultimate goal of establishment of socialism. BMS is a votary of nationalism and integralism. Therefore, it rejects the class conflict theory. The class conflict, carried to its logical length, would result in disintegration of the nation. All the nationals are only so many limbs of the same body. Their interests cannot, therefore, be mutually conflicting. BMS is opposed to class struggle based on hatred and hostility, but it has always struggled against the evil forces of inequality, injustice and exploitation With a view to achieving national prosperity and eradicating poverty, BMS is pledged to “maximum production and equitable distribution”. Capitalism overemphasises the importance of production. Socialism over-emphasises the aspect of distribution. But BMS lays equal stress on both. Maximum production is the national duty of labour, but at the same time equitable distribution of the fruits of production ‘ the legitimate right of workers. BMS has, therefore introduced in the labour field a new slogan based on patriotism: “We will work in the interest of the nation and will demand full wages”.

Non-Political Trade Unionism

Politicisation of labour movement and affiliation of Central Trade Union Organisation with one or other political parties led to division of trade union movement in India. Affiliation to political parties results in inter-union rivalries. INTUC has links with Congress. It supported the policies of congress government. Even when it disagreed with government’s action it indulges in nothing more than a mere verbal protest. “…. By virtue of the common source of inspiration and common leadership, the INTUC has the tradition of working almost as a wing of the congress party with unassailable commitment to the party’s policies and programmes. Since inception many leaders of the INTUC have been contesting the parliament and assembly elections. Several of them have been given berths in the council of ministers at the central and state levels….”.

AITUC adopts the policies and ideologies of communist party of India (CPI). CITU has affiliation with Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M). HMS follows the principles and policies of the Socialist Party.4 UTUC has close relationship with the Revolutionary Socialist Party and other splinter parties of the left.5 Non-political unionism has been held out as the only solution to the problems that beset trade unions. One of the most ardent advocates of this line was Shri V. V. Giri, the veteran trade unionist and former President of India. “It is time that workers realize that party politics are completely out of place in trade unions, that they should not play the role of pawns in the game of party politics, and that their organisations are concerned first and last with their interest and welfare. Trade union leaders and party leaders should also take active steps to ensure that workers are weaned away from disruptive party leanings, so that genuine trade unionism may grow in the country”.

The BMS has kept itself away from power-hungry politics from its inception. Trade union can ensure that powerful influence of workers on management and government policy only when the principle of non-political trade unionism is followed. Of course every worker is conscious of his rights and duties as a citizen and is free individually to join or not to join, and work or not to work, for a political party of his choice. But as union members collectively the workers must keep out of politics.

BMS is pledged to eradicate economic inequality and exploitation; but it is not ‘Leftist’. It rejects the class conflict concept of Marx; but it is not ‘Rightist’. It is purely nationalist and has accepted the principle of genuine trade unionism i.e. an organisation for the workers, by the workers and of the workers within the framework of national interest. In the XII World Trade Union Congress of World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) of Communist Countries, held in Moscow, in 1990, it was admitted by almost all delegates that the trade unions of labour must keep themselves away from the power and political parties. This again is an international recognition of the basic concept of BMS on non-political trade unionism.

Motto of BMS

The BMS has coined the following three sparkling phrases to depict in brief its distinctive approach to the Trade Union Movement:
LABOURISE               THE     INDUSTRY 

Bharat Mata Ki Jai

BHARAT MATA KI JAY” was a slogan quite alien to the Indian Labour Field. Workers were taken by surprise when BMS first introduced this slogan and thus tried to bridge the gulf between the sectional and national viewpoints. Being essentially patriotic, workers were not slow to adopt this slogan.

Workers, unite the world.

In 1955, the widely current slogan was: WORKERS OF THE WORLD? UNITE – In reality this was a slogan of all round disruption. We rejected it and replaced it with our own slogan: “WORKERS UNITE THE WORLD“. * Nationalise the Labour, Labourise the Industry, Industrialise the Nation. BMS also propagates the concept of labourisation based on the theory of the workers being co-owners of the Industry on the basis of a fair evaluation of the labour capital deployed. Hence the slogan “Nationalise the Labour, Labourise the Industry and Industrialise the Nation”. BMS also demands, the constitution of a national commission on the problems of ownership of industry, which should suggest the pattern of ownership for each industry taking into consideration the particular characteristics of that industry and the total requirement of the national economy. * Desh ke hith me karenge kam, kam ka lenge pura daam. (We will work in the interest of the country and will take full remuneration for the work.) * Tyag, Tapasya aur Balidan (Sacrifice, penance, and martyrdom) that are the main hallmarks of the BMS Karyakarta (Workers).

Patterns of Ownership

On the practical plane, BMS was the first to highlight the fact that neither nationalisation was the only alternative to private capitalism, nor west a panacea for all industrial maladies. There were various other patterns of industrial ownership such as, municipalisation, co-operativisation, democratisation, joint industry, joint sector, self-employment, etc. etc. It urged for the constitution of National commission on the pattern of industrial ownership. The pattern of ownership should be determined in the light of peculiar characteristics of each industry, and the total requirement of national economy. It firmly rejected both the extremes of “all nationalisation” and “no nationalisation” Pleading for the organisation of autonomous Financial Institution to channelise small saving of poor people into industrial investments for the benefit of the specific industries, the BMS has said that the industrial structure in the future would continue to be complex, with various patterns of ownership.

Industrial Family

It was emphasized by B.M.S. that National goal cannot be achieved if there exists any feeling of enmity. The B.M.S. therefore, deprecated the theory of class conflict and emphasized that all the constituents should act and work in unison. This can be achieved by developing the concept of “family” in the industry.

Symbol of BMS

The BMS symbol characteristically Bharatiya, while its industrial wheel symbolises industrialisation, “BALI” agriculture and general prosperity and human fist workers unity, the real stress is on the opposable human thumb. No implement weapon or means of production could have been evolved, had man not been blessed with the opposable thumb. In this sense, human thumb is the real origin of all machinery, hammer, sickle, plough, charkha or spuntik. NO HUMAN LIMB HAS SO FAR FOUND ANY PLACE IN THE SYMBOL OF OTHER TRADE UNION CENTERS.

National Labour Day

In our country VISHWAKARMA DAY is being observed as National Labour Day from time immemorial. The Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh boldly introduced this day, happily enough it has received wide acceptability from the workers, though some of the so-called radical labour leaders are still hesitant on the point.

Viswakarma Sector

BMS was the first trade union centre to recognize the special importance of ‘selfemployment sector’ Self-employment is the best status for men in society. Economic life without alienation is the life of ownership of one’s own economic activity in agriculture, industry, trade and services. This is self-employment as a concept in economics.20 Goldsmiths, blacksmiths, potters, tailors, engravers, barbers and washer men are self-employed. BMS rightly calls this selfemployment sector as the Viswakarma sector. The western economics did not recognize this sector of self-employment which was neither a ‘private sector’ nor a ‘public sector’ but the ‘people’s sector’. Later on the Household Industries Act was passed by the erstwhile communist Soviet Union. Communist China and Hungary also had made legal provisions for the self-employment sector, recognizing its importance.

BMS urges a separate department under the Ministry of Labour and Employment to assist the self-employed persons. Self-employed people cannot be exploited nor can they exploit others. There is neither class war nor take-over of the state. It is a peaceful transformation.21 Self-employment sector should get more encouragement than at present.


भारत माता की जय


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भारतीय रेल्वे मजदूर संघ, भा॰ म॰ संघ  की औद्योगिक इकाई है। भारतीय मजदूर संघ देश मे नंबर एक का राष्ट्रीय श्रमिक संगठन है । राष्ट्रहित, औद्योगिक और मजदूर हित यह संगठन का उद्धेश है। श्रद्धेय ठेंगडीजी ने  राष्ट्रिय स्वंसेवक संघ के आदेशानुसार 23 जुलाई 1955, लोकमान्य तिलक जयंती के पावन दिवसपर  भोपाल मे संगठन की स्थापना की । स्थापना के दिन ना कोई कार्यकर्ता थे नाही कोष, एक  भी यूनियन नहीं थी। हाँ एक मात्र सदस्य थे ईश्वर। स्थापना के बाद यूनियन निर्माण करने के लिए सात मज़दूरों के हस्ताक्षर की आवशक्ता होती थी। लेकिन हस्ताक्षर करने पर व्यवस्थापन उन मज़दूरों कों नोकरीसे निकाल देते थे। शासन, प्रशासन, मालक, प्रस्थापित यूनीयनोंके जबरदस्त विरोध, ऐसी अत्यंत प्रतिकूल और विपरीत परिस्थिति का सामना करके धीरे धीरे भा॰ म॰ संघ ने मजदूर क्षेत्र मे अपना कार्य सुरू किया। पहले बारा साल भा॰म॰संघ की कोई कार्य समिति नहीं थी। 1968 मे तब के राष्ट्रपती महामहिम व्ही॰व्ही॰ गिरीजीको हजारो कार्यकर्ताओने जुलूस निकालकर मज़दूरोंका माँगपत्र सोपा। यह एक मात्र संगठन है की जंहा केंद्रीय संगठन प्रथम निर्माण हुवा और बादमे इसकी शाखाये, तब तक करीब करीब हर उद्योग, हर प्रदेश मे काम सुरू हो चुका था । सदस्यता सत्यापनमे भा ॰ म॰ संघ दूसरे स्थानपर रहा।  इसके बाद आजतक लगातार प्रथम स्थानपर ही है और रहेगा । प्रथम स्थानपर रहने के कारण अंतरराष्ट्रीय श्रम संगठन (ILO) की जो शिखर  परिषद जीनिव्हा मे हर वर्ष होती है, उसमे भारत के मज़दूरों कों प्रतिनिधित्व भा॰म॰संघ अत्येंत प्रभावशाली रुप मे कर रहा है।

चायना के प्रधानमंत्री श्री चाड एन लाय भारत के दौर पर आए थे बड़े उत्साह के साथ देश मे उनका स्वागत किया गया । कई दिन तक हिन्दी चीनी  भाई भाई के नारे देशमे गूंज रहे थे, अचानक कल्पनाभी नहीं की जा सकती चायना ने आक्रमण किया । लाखो सैनिक सीमा पर उत्तर सीमा पार करने मे लगे चायना ने क्रूर तरीकेसे भारत का विश्वासघात किया। हमारी कोई तयारी नहीं थी । साधन सामग्री भी नहीं थी। फिर भी  हमारे राष्ट्रभक्त सैनिको ने जान की बाजी लगाकर मुक़ाबला  किया। भारतका सर्वसाधारण नागरिक हर तरह से मदत मे जुटा था किन्तु अत्यंत खेद की बात है की यहा के लालभाई इस आक्रमण को शांति सेना कहकर भारत वासियों कों गुमराह करने के प्रयास मे जूटे थे ये AIRF मे इस प्रकार का प्रस्ताव पारित किया।


रेल्वे मे कार्यरत राष्ट्र भक्त मज़दूरों कों गहरा सदमा पहुंचा। गोरखपुर के राष्ट्र भक्त मजदूर श्रद्धेय ठेंगडेजी को मिले और भा.म.संघ का संगठन रेल्वे मे खड़ा करनेका आग्रह किया. श्रद्धेय ठेंगडेजी ने उन्हे बहुत समझाया. कोई सुविधा नहीं मिलेगी, शासन, प्रशासन और दोनों मान्यता प्राप्त संगठन बाधाये निर्माण करेगी, काम ही नहीं करने देगी. मान्यता तो बहुत दुरकी बात है. तो भी गोरखपुर के कार्यकर्ता पीछे नहीं हटे. हम सब आपत्तियों का मुक़ाबला करेंगे ऐसा वचन उन्होंने  दिया। और 1962 मे भा॰रे॰.म.संघ का प्रथम संगठन पूर्वोत्तर रेल्वे श्रमिक संघ निर्माण हुआ। बाद मे उसवक्त के आठ झोन और उत्पादन इकाइया मे धीरे धीरे काम शुरू हुआ। 1966 जून मे भा.रे.म.संघ का स्थापना अधिवेशन श्रीराम मंदिर मुलुंड मुंबई मे सम्पन्न हुआ। 1965 के पाकिस्तान युद्ध मे सीमा पर सामग्री पहुचानेवाले फायरमन श्री चमनलालजी शहीद हुए थे। उनकी विधवा पत्नी श्रीमती आशा देवीजी के कर कमलोद्वारा इस अधिवेशन का उदघाटन किया गया।

माननीय श्री गजेंद्र गडकर कमिटी जैसे रेल्वे कर्मचारियोंके अत्यंत महत्व पूर्ण प्रश्नोंके लिए अनेक कमिटीयोंका गठन हुआ। गजेंद्र गडकर कमिटी को लिखित निवेदन दिया गया। लेकिन मौखिक मुलाखत के लिए अन्य यूनियन के लोगोंके साथ भा.रे.म.संघ के प्रतिनिधियोंको आमंत्रित नहीं किया गया। फिर भी उस समय के कार्यकारी अध्यक्ष श्री गजानन गोखले और सहायक महामंत्री श्री वामनराव प्रभुदेसाई जबरदस्ती उपस्थित रहे। कुर्सी न मिलने पर दोनो एक ही  कुर्सी पर स्थानापन्न होकर अपनी बात रखनेपर कमिटी को मजबूर किया। ऐसे अपमानास्पद बर्ताव होने पर भी भा.रे.म.संघका काम “दिन दुगना रात चौगुना” बढ़ता ही गया 1969 मे AIRF ने एक दिन के सांकेतिक हड़ताल का नारा दिया लेकिन हड़ताल तिथि के पूर्वसंध्या पर गिरगाव चौपाटी मुंबई मे उनके अध्यक्ष श्री.पीटर अलवारिस ने हड़ताल की नोटिस वापस ली। मज़दूरोंकी अनेक मांगो पर समय समय पर भारतीय मजदूर संघ निरंतर आंदोलन करता रहा धरना, प्रदर्शन, निदर्शन, व्दार सभाए सभी झोन पर बड़ी धूम धाम से होते रहे AIRF को चिंता लगी। इनोने सुप्रसिद्ध लड़ाकू मजदूर नेता श्री जोर्जे फेर्नांडीस को अध्यक्ष बनाया। श्री जार्ज साहब ने प्रवास किया, रेल्वे मज़दूरोमे जागृति निर्माण करनेका भरकस प्रयास किया इनके ध्यान मे एक बात आयी की एक अकेला कोई भी संघटन रेल पर हड़ताल नहीं कर सकता भारतीय रेल मजदूर संघ सभी झोन पर पूरी सक्षमता और ताकद के साथ कार्यरत था। अखेर कर रेल पर कार्यरत सभी संघठनोकी छह सूत्री मांग पर सरकार ने सकारात्मक रवैया नहीं अपनाया तो रेल पर हड़ताल करनेका निर्णय लिया गया। AIRF और  भा.रे.म.संघ को कनव्हेयर रहेंगे। रेल के 110 संगठन सामील हुए। + AIRF और भा.रे.म.संघ के अलावा जो मध्यवर्ती समिति बनाई गयी उसमे IRWF की पार्वती कृष्णन CITU के समर मुकर्जी और AIREC के भंगु, AILRSA के एस.के.धर ये सारे लोग भा.रे.म.संघ के श्री गजाननराव गोखले के नेतृत्व मे सरकार से चर्चा करेंगे और चर्च विफल हुई तो हड़ताल का नेतृत्व करेंगे। हड़ताल का जबरदस्त माहोल तयार हुआ पर इसमे केवल एक ही


संघटन NFIR शामिल नहीं हुआ। वैसे NFIR ने कभी हड़ताल किया ही नहीं। भा.रे.म.संघ के आग्रह पर ही छह सूत्री मांग मे बोनस की मांग को जोड़ा गया। चर्चा विफल हुई। हड़ताल के लिए बॅलेट लिया गया।  पंधरह ही दिन पूर्व हर झोन मे महाप्रबंधक को नोटिस दी गयी। नेताओने मोड़तोड़ और विध्वंस की बात की भा.रे.म.संघ ने इन बातोंका जमकर विरोध किया। मातृभूमि को वैसे ही देश की संपत्ति को नुकसान नहीं पहुचाएंगे और नहीं किसी को वैसा करने देंगे।    प्रधान मंत्रीजी ने वार फुटिंग पर हड़ताल को कुचल डालने का प्रयास किया। हजारो मज़दूरों कों नौकरी से बाहर किया, निलंबित किया हज़ारों को जेल मे ठुसा। रेल्वे क्वार्टर से मध्य रात्री सामान सहित पूरे परिवार को रास्ते पर उतारने पर मजबूर किया।  फिर भी रेल मज़दूरोंका मनोबल बना रहा। बीस दिन तक यह ऐतिहासिक हड़ताल चली। 8 मई 1974 से यह हड़ताल 27 मई 1974 तक चली। हड़ताल का परिणाम गंभीर हुआ। अनेक घटनाए घटी। सत्तान्तर हुआ। नयी सरकार बननेपर मज़दूरोंकों न्याय मिला।

25 जून 1975  को प्रधान मंत्री श्रीमति इन्दिरा गांधीजी ने आपातकाल की घोषणा की। सारा देश मानो बंदीवान हो गया। आपातकाल हटाने  के लिए अनेक लोंगोने आंदोलन किए इन सबको जेल मे ठुसा। मध्यवर्ती संघर्ष समिति बनी। श्रद्धेय ठेंगडीजी समिति के जनरल सेक्रेटरी रहे इनोन्हे वेशांतर करके पूरे देश भर मे आपातकाल के विरोध मे खूब प्रचार किया बहुतांश यूनियनोने अपने दैनंदिन कार्यक्रम स्थगित किए। भा.रे.म.संघ ने अपना कार्य शुरू रखा इतनाही नहीं तो अनेक झोन के वार्षिक अधिवेशन भी सम्पन्न किए गए। जनता के जबरदस्त दबाव के कारण अठरा महीनोंके बाद आपादकाल हटाया गया। भा.रे.म.संघ का  23, 24 सितंबर 1978 को मद्रास मे ऐतिहासिक अधिवेशन सम्पन्न हुआ। पाँच हज़ार से ज्यादा कार्यकर्ता अलग अलग स्थानोसे पाँच विशेष ट्रेनों तथा अनेक विशेष बोगी से मद्रास पहुंचे। मद्रास यार्ड मे डिब्बे, गाड़िया खड़ी करने को यार्ड की क्षमता कम पड़ी। एरकोणम तक जगह जगह ट्रेनों और बोगीयोंकों खड़ा किया गया। इस प्रचंड, विशाल अधिवेशन मे अनेक सांसद, मंत्री भी उपस्थित रहे। अधिवेशन का प्रभाव इतना जबरदस्त रहा की कार्यकर्ता मे जोश, प्रेरणा और उत्साह संचारित हुआ। श्रद्धेय ठेंगडीजी ने सभा मे कहा की भा.रे.म.संघ की ताकद बढ़ रही है और बढ़ेगी इसलिए मुझे दो पूर्ण

कालीन कार्यकर्ता की जरूरत है। तुरंत मुंबई के श्री शरद देवधर उत्तर भारत के लिए और श्री के. महालिंगम ने दक्षिण भारत के लिए तत्काल अपनी तयारी दिखाई। थोड़े समय के बाद दोनोंने नौकरी छोड़ दी और सारा समय संगठन का ही  काम  करते रहे।


मान्यता, यह एकही मांग को लेकर 8 मई 1979 को तीस हजार से जादा कार्यकर्ताओने रामलीला मैदान से रेल भवन तक चिलचिलाती धूप मे जुलूस निकाला रेल भवन पर विशाल सभा हुयी। रेल मंत्री श्री मधु दंडवतेजी दिल्ली के बाहर होने के कारण दूसरे दिन प्रतिनिधि मण्डल उन्हे रेल भवन मे मिला। बातचीत के समय कोई भी  शर्त रखी जाए भा.रे.म.संघ तयार है, लेकिंग मान्यता के कोई न कोई तरीका अपनाना ही चाहिए ऐसे कोई भी शर्त का हम स्वीकार करते है ऐसा लिखित रूप मे दिया। दुर्भाग्यवश सरकार गिरनेके कारण यह विषय आगे नहीं चलाया गया।


मान्यता हमारे हाथ से फिर खिचक गयी। मान्यता के संबंध मे अनेक बार प्रयास किए गए, आंदोलन किए गए। किन्तु मान्यता नहीं मिल पायी। अखेर कर श्रद्धेय ठेंगडीजी ने स्वयं सुप्रीम कोर्ट मे 9 नवम्बर.1986 मे केस दायर की और 10 नवम्बर.1986 को भा.रे.म.संघ के अधिवेशन के लिए साबरमती पहुंचे। श्री व्ही.एम.तारकुंडे जैसे प्रख्यात, नामांकित वकील को केस सौपी गयी। वे केवल खड़े रहने के लिए एक लाख रुपए लेते थे केस निर्णय तीन साल बाद हमारे पक्ष मे लगा किन्तु जो शर्त रखी गयी उसे किसिकों बिना पूछे ही श्री तारकुंडे जी ने सहमति दि और एक बार फिर मान्यता हमसे दूर चली गयी।

चौधरी चरणसिंग की लूली लंगड़ी सरकार सत्ता मे आयी मिलीजुली सरकार थी। भा.रे.म.संघ ने इस वास्तविकता का लाभ लेने हेतु सभी संगठनोको दिल्ली मे बुलाया सब के सामने बोनस का विषय रखकर हड़ताल करने का यह मौका है इसलिए हड़ताल की घोषणा की जाए ऐसा निर्णय किया जाय ऐसा आवाहन किया। किन्तु दुर्भाग्य की बात है की एक भी संगठन ने हमारा साथ नहीं दिया क्योंकि हरेक संगठन के नुमाइंदे सरकार मे मंत्री थे। अखेर कर पत्रकार परिषद लेकर भा.रे.म.संघ ने अकेले हड़ताल करनेकी घोषणा की। तुरंत चौधरी चरणसिंग सरकार ने उत्पादकता के आधार पर बोनस की घोषणा की। बोनस जो आज भी मिल रहा है, इसके हकदार भा.रे.म.संघ ही है यह भा.रे.म.संघ की उपलब्धि है

श्रीमान अटलबिहारी बाजपेयी जी के सरकार के समय नियमानुसार पचास प्रतिशत महेंगाइ भत्ता मूल वेतन मे सम्मिलित करना चाहिए था। लेकिन सरकार बिलकुल ध्यान नही दे रही थी। भा.रे.म.संघ का प्रतिनिधि मण्डल प्रधान मंत्रीजी से मिला और उन्हे इस विषय के बारेमे अवगत कराया। प्रधान मंत्रिजीने  तुरंत संबन्धित मंत्री और अधिकारियोंको बुलाकर इस विषय पर अमल करनेका आदेश दिया। भा.रे.म.संघ ने दो दिन मे ही श्रीमान अटलबिहारी बाजपेयी जी का उनके निवास स्थान पर सत्कार किया। महेंगाइ भत्ता सम्मिलित किया गया। यह भा.रे.म.संघ की और एक उपलब्धि रही। दो दिन मे ही हजारो के ऊपर कार्यकर्ता सत्कार के समय उपस्थित रहे।

छटे वेतन आयोग की घोषणा मे बहुत अधिक विलल्म्ब हो रहा था। सरकारी कर्मचारी राष्ट्रीय परिसंघ ने दिल्ली के दक्षिण विभाग मे जबरदस्त धरना का कार्यक्रम किया। भा.रे.म.संघ के सभी जोन पर कार्यक्रम किए गए। वेतन आयोग गठित करनेकी घोषणा नहीं हुई तो फिर एक बार जरूर हड़ताल होगी यह चेतावनी देनेके तुरंत बाद वेतन आयोग गठित हुआ। यह भा.रे.म.संघ की एक और उपलब्धि रही।


मान्यता के लिए, सारा प्रोसीजर पूर्ण होने के आदेश निकले।इस पर विरोध करने के लिए कोर्ट मे  केस न दायर की जाय इसलिए सभी ज़ोन ने  कॅव्हेट लिए थे। बार बार इसे रीनिव्ह भी  करना पड़ा। दुर्भाग्य से दक्षिण रेल्वे पर कॅव्हेट न लेने के कारण AIRF के वहा के यूनियन ने मान्यता के विरोध मे केस लगाई। इसलिए आगे की कार्यवाही हर ज़ोन पर स्थगित की गयी।

चेन्नई मे केस चलती रही भा.रे.म.संघ के तबके महामंत्री श्री के.स्वयंभूवू हर तारीख पर विजयवाड़ा से चेन्नई  पहुँच कर सारे तथ्य और तर्क वकील को देते रहे। किन्तु जैसा हर जगह होता है, वही हुआ हम केस हार गए। मान्यता हाथ मे आनेके बावजूद हाथ से निकाल गयी।

इसी समय दिल्ली उच्चन्यायालय मे केस चल रही थी । न्यायालयने किस आधार पर संगठन को मान्यता प्रदान की जाती है , यह पुछनेपर पहलेसे दो संगटन को बिना कोई आधार मान्यता दि गयी है यह तथ्य सामने आया । न्यायालयने चुनाव द्वारा ही  मान्यता देने के आदेश दिये । अपनी मनपसंद यूनियन चुननेका अधिकार रेल मजदूरोंकों पहली बार मिला यह थी भा.रे.म.संघ की एक और उपलब्धि वर्ष 2007 मे पहली बार चुनाव हुये ।  भा.रे.म.संघ के दो झोन पर मान्यता मिली । वर्ष 2013 मे सफलता नहीं मिली। तीसरे चुनाव मे सभी झोन को मान्यता मिलना यह लगभग तय है ।

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